Premises of Practical Phonemics

Phonetics gathers raw material. Phonemics processes it. Practical phonetics provides a technique for describing sounds in terms of movements of the vocal apparatus, and for writing them in terms of articulatory formulae. Practical phonemics provides a technique for processing the rough phonetic data in order to discover the pertinent units of sound and to symbolise them in an alphabet easy for the native speaker to read. The purpose of practical phonemics, therefore, is to reduce a language to writing.

The sounds of a language are automatically and unconsciously organised by the native speaker into structural units, which we call phonemes. Some of these units may have as submembers numerous slightly different varieties which a non native might detect but which a native speaker may be unaware of. In fact, if he is told that such variation exists in his language, he may emphatically deny it. People are much more readily made conscious of the distinctive sound units in their language than they are submembers of the units. For this reason, a practical orthography is phonemic. It has one, and only one, symbol for each sound unit. These the native speaker soon learns to recognise. He needs no extra symbols which correspond to subunits in his language.

Once the native learns an orthography which is closely correlated with his sound units, there is no spelling problem. Everything is spelled as it is pronounced, and pronounced as it is spelled. There are no silent letters, nor series of words like cough, hiccough, through, where the same letters represent different sounds.

Untrained foreigners do not intuitively recognise native sound units. In order to arrive at the sound units pertinent to a language, he must, therefore, have a methodology – phonemic procedures founded upon premises concerning the underlying universal characteristics of languages of the world, lest the orthographical conclusions arrived at by the procedures prove to be both technically and practically inadequate.

We begin with four premises which can be made to serve as central points of reference for the discussions of almost all the practical problems of reducing a language to writing. These may later be simplified or modified by social considerations. Local orthographical traditions, governmental rulings, prevalence of linguistic knowledge, and available printing facilities must all be considered before a practical orthography can be established for any community.

Premises behind Phonemic Procedures

1. Sounds tend to be modified by their environment.

2. Sound systems have a tendency toward phonetic symmetry.

3. Sounds tend to fluctuate.

4. Characteristic sequences of sounds exert structural pressure on the phonemic interpretation of suspicious segments or suspicious sequences of segments.

Closely related to these basic premises are certain additional ones.

5. Segmental or suprasegmental elements which are predictable are non-phonemic.

6. If two segments are submembers of a single phoneme, the norm of the phoneme is that submember which is least limited in distribution and least modified by its environments.

7. In order to be considered submembers of a single phoneme, two segments must be (a) phonetically similar and (b) mutually exclusive as to the environments in which they occur.

8. Every phonetically distinct segment of a language is a separate phoneme unless it is a part of some more inclusive phonemic unit.

8. When two phonemic conclusions each appear to be justifiable by the other premises, and each seem to account for all the available facts of all types, that conclusion is assumed to be correct (a) which is the least complex, and (b) which gives to suspicious data an analysis parallel with analogous nonsuspicious data, and (c) which appears most plausible in terms of alleged slurs into specific environments, and so on.

10. Once the two segments are proved to be phonemically distinct it is assumed that they remain phonemically distinct even if there is fluctuation between them.

11. Two segments are proved phonemically distinct if they consistently constitute the only difference between two words of different meanings.

12. The native speaker can more easily be taught to recognise and symbolise the differences between two of his phonemes than between two submembers of phonemes.

Other premises concerning syllables are less closely related to the basic four.

13. Where syllable division affects the meaning of an utterance, the syllable border is not symbolised as such, but is indicated by space or hyphen between some grammatical units or larger phonological ones.

14. Syllables may have a complicated structure.

Three further assumptions can be mentioned about grammatical units.

15. It should be assumed that a specific morpheme contains the same sequence of phonemes every time and in every environment it appears, until and unless definite evidence is found, by way of the analytical procedures, leading to the conclusion that there has been a substitution (or loss, or addition) of phonemes.

16. Before phonemic analysis can be completed, at least some morphemes must be differentially identified.

17. In some cases, considerable grammatical analysis, based on phonetic data, is prerequisite to phonemic analysis since spaces and hyphens must be written at certain types of grammatical units, and subphonemic modifications may occur at their borders.

One other premise serves as a background.

18. Quantitative characteristics, and these only, may serve as suprasegmental phonemes in the structure of morphemes.

 

The Formation of Practical Alphabets

In forming a practical orthography one is constantly disturbed by a dilemma or series of dilemmas. He wishes to make his orthography scientifically adequate in order to get the best and fastest results in the teaching of reading; he wishes his alphabet to reflect the actual linguistic structure of the language spoken by the people. But he wishes also to have an orthography which will not be offensive to the people in the region in which it is spoken or to the administration of the area. He wishes it to be adapted to traditional alphabets of the region and at the same time to be easy to write and print. These two general types of principles, the phonemic and the social ones, do not coincide. One is therefore likely to find oneself engaged in debate with people who wish to emphasise the one or the other without due regard for a fine balance between them. Frequently also he will be considerably perplexed himself as to the wisest adjustments to make.

No specific set of rules can be given which will cover the multitude of different situations to be found in the field. One will be better equipped to meet the problems, and to reach a solution which may prove adequate, if he will consider carefully the following principles for the formation of practical orthographies.

General Phonemic Goals

A practical orthography should be phonemic. There should be a one-to-one correspondence between each phoneme and the symbolisation of that phoneme.

Note: Some orthographies are based upon the syllable and have a one-to-one correspondence between each syllable and the symbol representing it. Syllabaries have proved to be effective, and in areas where syllabaries are traditionally acceptable a syllabary may still prove to be the most adequate solution. If, however, a choice were available, one should probably set up a phonemic script with one symbol for each phoneme.

1. A practical alphabet has a separate symbol for each unit proved to be phonemically distinct. Specifically, every sound unit which may replace other sound units and thereby cause a change of meaning should be represented in the orthography.

If a person has too few symbols, some sound units will represent two distinct sounds. Words which are actually different in phonemic form and meaning may then turn out to be written identically. In such cases the speaker finds it impossible to know what words are being represented except as he may be able to guess them from the context.

Occasionally one hears a person say; ‘The natives do not need the extra symbols since they can guess what the words mean without them; the context makes it clear.’ To be sure, the native may be able to guess what a word means from the context, provided he can read the context and does read it first. This, however, encourages bad reading habits by forcing the beginner to read ahead for contextual clues and then turn back to guess the meaning of earlier words. Furthermore, if too many spellings are obscure he may be unable to read the context itself. For bilingual speakers who have learned to read another language it is quite true that at the first stage of transfer to the vernacular the extra symbols in it do not contribute to ease of reading. It would be erroneous to conclude that the special symbols for extra phonemes would never be of value. At first the reader might guess as well – or better – without as with them. As soon as he learns through association with some of the words containing them what the phonetic value of the symbol is, however, he can then replace guessing with reading. This then lends itself to easier, faster and more accurate absorption of material. Some people contend that English can be read even though it is not written with phonemic consistency. This is true – though the English students pay a heavy cultural price for the inconsistency. Children seem to require two or three times as long to learn to read English as comparable children do to learn to read Spanish, which is written unambiguously.

There should be no more symbols than there are phonemes. It is very confusing to the speakers when a single phoneme is arbitrarily written with two or more letters without any way of knowing which words are to be written with the one symbol or the other. A practical orthography would have one symbol only for each phoneme lest the student learning to read have difficulty in remembering which one to use when they do not reflect any distinction of sound which he can hear.

In a phonemic orthography, spelling does not have to be remembered as an arbitrary set of rules. A sound is heard, and the symbol for that sound is written. Spelling is then merely the symbolising of the sounds. Once the memory correlation has been made for the symbol, no further memory burden is entailed.

2. Submembers of a phoneme should rarely receive distinct symbolisation since the speaker tends to be unaware of these differences. Mutually exclusive varieties of a phoneme should not have separate symbols representing them. The representation of submembers of a phoneme by different symbols, when these submembers occur in distinct environments, however, is not as serious an error as the representation f sounds which are not so limited by environments. The speaker, even thought he may not hear the difference, can nevertheless build up a mechanical rule which tells him when to use the one symbol or the other; it does not demand the memorisation of an arbitrary list of words. The only case, nevertheless, in which a conditional variety of a sound should receive a separate symbol is one in which certain variants of a phoneme in the vernacular constitute separate phonemes in the second language. In such a case, the pressures from the social situation may be very strong, and may at times force the investigator to depart from phonemic practices in order to get popular support for his orthography, or may modify his phonemic analysis in such a way through the inclusion of loan words in the vernacular.

3. Freely fluctuating varieties of a phoneme should not receive separate symbolisation but should be written with a single symbol. The reasons for this are the same as those for the previous principle.

4. When the investigator finds free variation between two full phonemes, however, the recommendation is different; in scientific publications of texts, a word should be written the way it is pronounced at each utterance so that the readers may see for themselves the proportionate occurrence of the one phoneme or the other. When, however, a practical orthography is being proposed it is preferable for the investigator to represent one of the phonemes or the other in each particular word and to write that one consistently regardless of which of the two phonemes the speaker may use at any particular moment.

The basis for this decision may be either frequency or dialectal distribution. If one of the phonemes is used more often than the other, he should presumably use the more frequent one. If over a wider area, including a number of dialects, one of the phonemes is used in certain areas where the other is not found, the investigator will do well to choose for consistent writing the one which has the widest dialectal distribution; in this way, his published material will be acceptable in more dialects, since it represents a form current over a wider area.

5. As for abbreviated forms, the words should in general be written as they are pronounced, and not according to the constituent parts of words.

6. When, however, forms differ according to whether they are pronounced fast or slow, the choice may be a bit different. Pronunciations which are given only in extremely rapid or extremely slow speech are best avoided in symbolisation because people do not tend to read with that same speed – at least not in the early stages of learning.

7. When the analysis shows that sounds must be interpreted as consonants or vowels, or as long or short vowels, or as phonetically-complex phonemes, it is preferable for them to be written so as to reflect this analysis. The complex ones should in general be written with single symbols rather than with combinations of symbols. Prevailing orthographies and available types may, however, force one to use combinations of symbols.

8. Symbols for tone and stress should reflect an adequate analysis of the language. Where tone and stress are phonemic, and affect the meaning of words, they should be symbolised at each occurrence of the units. One should not content oneself with writing tone merely on those words which may be misunderstood if the tone is given inaccurately. Tone should be written on each of the words of the tone language, wherever the tones occur. In this way the speaker learns the meaning of the tone symbols, and how to read them, within the words where the consonants and the vowels and the context make these particular words unambiguous. Once he has learned the meaning of the tone symbols in unambiguous contexts of this type he should then be able to utilise these symbols to distinguish words where the tone is the only distinctive characteristic.

9. Borders between certain types of units may need symbolisation. It is customary to write spaces between words. This breaks up the line into smaller units which are more readily grasped than is possible if spaces are not used at all. But these units should represent the actual language structure and should carry significance to the speaker.

10. One of the severe problems in the preparation of a practical orthography consists in the adequate representation of words borrowed from other languages. If these loan words are completely assimilated to the native language, they should be spelled as they are pronounced in the native language and not as they are spelled in the source language. When loan words are not completely assimilated, and contain sounds which the native language does not have, it is generally preferable to add symbols to represent them in the native alphabet.

When words are borrowed into the native language, especially items like names of individuals or cultural objects, one should deliberately modify the spelling to make it confirm to the way they are pronounced in the native language.

General Social Goals

1. A practical orthography should be acceptable to the people of the region where it is to be introduced. It should receive popular support and approval. In order to learn to read people must first desire to learn to read if they are to do so with relative ease. The most important single attribute of materials for beginners is that they create in the learner the strong urge to master them. Within any large area, there are almost certain to be one or a number of people who have already learned to read some alphabet. If there is no alphabet in the native language, they will have learned to read the alphabet of a second language or an official language of some type. These people are likely to be bilingual, speaking the other languages which they can read as well as having their own language. Furthermore, they are usually the leaders of their communities since their education gives them opportunities for representing their neighbours in official ways. If, therefore, these bilinguals object to the native language alphabet they can persuade illiterates that it is not worth the effort to learn to read it. In the face of such discouragement many beginners will not even try to learn, and if they do not try they are unlikely to succeed. It is important, therefore, that an alphabet receive popular support, and specifically some support from the bilinguals.

Administrators who do not speak the language but who have control of the territory in which the native language is being spoken are likely to be very insistent that the alphabet be the same as that of the dominant culture. They usually desire that any minorities be rapidly absorbed into the linguistic stream of the larger community so as to make administrative problems less severe and to give unity to the region, and they are likely to conclude that a unified alphabet is a prerequisite to such cultural and administrative unity.

2. For these reasons, it is preferable, if possible, to introduce no strange letters; that is avoid symbols which are not found in the trade language or the dominant regional language.

3. Similarly, diacritical marks are to be avoided where possible inasmuch as they are likely to constitute strange additions to the notional symbols. The diacritics which are likely to cause more difficulty are those which are unfamiliar to the administrators and bilingual speaker of the area.

A profusion of diacritics is undesirable for a further reason: they are likely to be left off by the natives in writing because they slow down the writing. Readers may then have some difficulty in rereading the material which has been so written.

4. Symbols should be chosen which are easy to print.

5. It may be desirable that the alphabet be adapted to the needs of the bilinguals in the same area so that he may use the same alphabet to read both languages.

Likewise, one may want to have an easy transfer from the native language alphabet to the alphabet of the second language.

6. The alphabet chosen should represent insofar as possible a wide area, especially when there is dialectal variation. In general the alphabet should be the same for all dialects and minor differences should not be reflected in the alphabet. But when the dialect differences are too high, it might be desirable to add or delete symbols to reflect the sound pattern of the particular dialect.

7. One needs to observe the strength of a tendency to incorporate loan words. The assimilated loan words may carry with them some of the sounds of the source language, or some special distribution of those sounds, and in this way modify the phonemic system of the native language.

In such a situation the decision for symbols may well be toward the direction of the source language.

8. Government control and sponsorship of reading campaigns in the native language may affect the alphabet. The officials might decide, on the one hand, to utilise alphabets which are best for the monolinguals, or they might decide to utilise alphabets which are as close as possible to that of the dominant regional language.

9. The more primers being introduced in native languages, the greater is the pressure towards using adequate phonemic alphabets, especially if there is a concerted effort to carry on literacy campaigns for adult monolinguals.

With people learning to read, however, one must remember that motivation is highly important. People can be taught to read any alphabet (1) provided ample time is given and (2) provided they desire to read strongly enough.

Conflicts between Phonemic and Social Goals

The goals outlined in the preceding sections frequently come into conflict with each other. In many cases it proves impossible to reach all the goals at the same time. The desire to write phonemically may conflict with the desire to indicate all the sounds.

The desire to use no new letters comes into conflict with the desire to write all sound units with distinct symbols.

The desire to use single unit symbols conflicts with the desire to use diacritics. Yet if enough letters are not available the only way to obtain new symbols is to create new ones or to modify the traditional ones with diacritics.

One’s wish to obtain popular support for one’s alphabet may involve restricting the choices available for the alphabet. Yet one wishes to provide for all sounds with unit symbols, but to do so may offend people who maintain traditional attitudes.

Similarly one wishes to use the letters of the alphabet of the second language to the most advantage by using them where necessary with flexible values, or with values different from those seen in the source language. Yet one wishes to avoid conflicting values for the letters in the two alphabets.

One wishes to provide the alphabet which will be easiest fro the teaching of monolingual illiterates. Yet at the same time one wishes to provide an alphabet which will most easily serve as a bridge for the transfer from the native language to the second language, or which will be most easily handled by people who have already learned to read and write the second language without being able to understand it adequately.

Finally one wishes to be able to make an alphabet from the point of view of the psychology of the native speaker, that is, reflecting his phonemic system. Yet one also wishes to have his alphabet acceptable to the psychology of the people who speak the second language.

The balancing of these conflicting goals and principles is a highly difficult undertaking, especially since people are likely to become emotionally involved in these issues. In many instances no really satisfactory solution can be reached – and the best which can be done is to adopt the least objectionable of several awkward possibilities.

The investigator must consider carefully the nature of the public to be reached with the alphabet.

If it is (1) people who have never learned to read anything at all, the problem has several phases; need of (a) an alphabet suitable for primers and the teaching of reading, (b) an alphabet suitable for literature, (c) an alphabet suitable for vernacular writing, unless all writing is to be done in the second language, (d) an alphabet suitable for transfer to the dominant regional culture. If it is (2) people who do not understand the dominant regional or the second language, but have been taught to read it by local or government effort, then these people have been provided (a) with an alphabet for primer usage, but (b) with no literature, since that available in the dominant regional or the second language is unintelligible to them.

Now since the second group has all the culture needs of the first group for literature, and the group is very large, it is very important to meet their needs, even if it be slightly at the cost of some of the details which are easier for the first group.

This duplicate set of goals demands an alphabet which does not go to extremes in any direction. If the goal were to provide for primers only, any symbols could be used which were clear, provided regional unity and cultural absorption does not prevent such a course. Likewise, the second group is accustomed to the second language alphabet, and any sharp departure from slows down their use of the literature, especially by lowering their morale; such morale cannot be legislated but must be wooed.

On the other hand, a severe attempt to adapt to exclusive second language symbols puts too great a burden on the first group by making the task too intricate and non-systematic in relation to their own internal sound relationships.

The orthographical innovations which can be introduced to an area are to a considerable extent proportionate to the prestige of the persons sponsoring them. Private individuals cannot compete with the prestige of local leaders and their opinions, even when the opinions are but prejudices. Central government sponsorship can go much further, since it cannot so readily be accused of following anti-national measures.

Ultimately, the problem cannot be solved through the formation of an alphabet by fiat, but by a literature being read. A good alphabet with no motivation will not be read; a poor one with good motivation will allow the absorption of much learning even by people who find the reading difficult.

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

© www.borokpeople.com All Rights Reserved Designed  and Developed  by SENFOTECH DOT COM