The history of the Boroks is one of the oldest ones in the world. About 8000 - 12000 years ago (i.e. the period between 10,000 B.C and 6,000 B.C) in the middle of the stone-age, Caucasians and Mongolians entered this country through the western border and the north-eastern border of India respectively.1 In the last division of this age, pottery and agriculture were introduced in human society. The main community of these Mongolians was Bodo or Boro speaking community who belong to the Tibeto-Burman family of the Indo-China group. As far as our knowledge goes, in the remote past, for quite a sometime, a large province spreading over the entire North-east India, Nepal, Bhutan and Burma was known as Kirata land. Dr. A.H. Dani considers that these Bodo (Boro) speaking people were known as Kiratas and Slash in the great epic of the Mahabharata.2 According to Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterji these Bodo (Boro) speaking people of Mongolian race who spread over the entire Assam valley and some parts of North Bengal and East Bengal, was a large part of the present population of the North-East region. In due course of time a branch of these Boro speaking people gradually proceeding and moving aside from Noagaon of Assam to southward, dominated first Kwchar (Kachar) and then some parts of Sylhet (now in Bangladesh). In the subsequent period of time, this group of Bodo people moving aside further towards south, established a Manikya dynasty by dominating Hill Tipperah and its nearby provinces.3

Later on the exiled king from Noagaon district of Assam founded the capital of the kingdom at Kolongma of Borok valley of the south. According to Sri Manojit Das, a resident of Karimganj of Assam, an etymologist and a follower of Sukumar Sen, Tipras who came from the river Kolong and river Kapil, first recognized and named the Borok river as Kholongma or Big Kolong.4 Because of distortion of pronunciation it took its shape as 'Khalongma'. In Kokborok language the word 'Borok' means human being. This is why from river 'Borok' a place of human settlement, in due course of time, has been named Borak. Sri Manojit Das believes that when Tipra dynasty established its kingdom and dominated over the Borak river valley the non-plain land used to have submerged under water almost throughout the year and just to mean the 'great king of water land' they started using the word 'Tiphra'. In Kokborok water-related words such as ti, twi and tui were found to have been used by the Tipras and the Burmese word 'phra' means lord. Later the word 'Tiphra' came to be pronounced as 'Tipra' or 'Twipra'. From that time, they probably named this land of their domination as Twipra-ha or Twipra. Here Sri Manojit Das conjectures that the word 'ha' is a Tibeto-Burman word meaning land. In this way, the word 'Twipra-ha' after sanskritisation assumed the name 'Twipra'. He has further written that in the subsequent period of time, the Tipra kings established the second capital of Tipra kingdom at Bhanga of Karimganj district of Assam, more southward from Khalongma of Kwchar (Kachhar) of Assam. Till today, a big pond and debris of bricks spreading over the area about 20 sq. miles are found to be seen as a living historic legacy of Twipra kingdom in this region.

A mention has been made about king Yash and his son Bonga in the Chronicle of Twipra Kingdom edited by Kali Prasanna Sengupta. According to Sri Manojit Das, the capital, which has been named after king Bonga, is Bonga-ha or 'Bhanga' of the recent times. The Austric water-related word 'Bong' and the Tibeto-Burmese word 'ha' being used to mean land, conjointly gave a birth to a word 'Bong-ha' which means water land. And the land-related word 'Bonga' has been evolved out from the word 'Bonga-ha'. Perhaps, the Twipra prince as a lord of water land has been named as king Bonga. He also said that almost throughout the year the big valley region of Karimganj of Assam used to remain under water.

            The history of Tripura, so far as it is written, begins with the settlement of Yayati's exiled son Druhyu of the famous Lunar Dynasty of the Mahabharata.5 But it is not free from criticism. Because, it has been observed that some historians and writers of the country always try to write Twipra history in such a manner that history of the Boroks or Tippras has a close link with the 'Indian history'. Because, if at all Druhyu were a Borok or Tippra king, then Druhyu would have been a Kokborok word. But, in fact, Druhyu was or is not a Kokborok word and therefore it has no meaning in Kokborok. So, it is assumed that Druhyu is a distorted or altered name and it is a sanskritised word. However, Druhyu is the first mythological ruler of the Boroks of Tippra, so the name of their first king must have been a Kokborok name, for that matter all the Non-Kokborok names of Borok kings might have been sanskritised by the Indo-Aryan minded writers in the past.

It may be mentioned here that the meaning of the word 'Twipra' in Kokborok (mother tongue of the Boroks) as mentioned in J. E. Webster's North-Eastern Bengal District Gazetteers, (1910), is 'the country towards sea'. The hill people of Twipra (Tippra) themselves pronounced it Twipra (Tippra). Tavernier, a French Scholar, who visited Dakka in 1640 A.D. also mentioned the name Twipra (Tippra) in his book Tavernier's Travels in India. The term 'Twipra' is originally derived from the two Kokborok words, 'Twi' meaning water and 'Pra' meaning adjoining land, junction or area.  Thus, the word 'Twipra' literally means the tributaries of rivers or the land adjoining to water areas. But the word 'Tripura' is a sanskritised form of the original name Twipra. It is very essential to note this fact that the word 'Tripura' unlike 'Twipra' has comparatively less affinity with Boroks (Tippras). On the other hand, the term 'Twipra' has not only linguistic ties with its aboriginal people, Boroks (Tippras), but also has its own original and historical significance and meaning.*

            Before 1920, Twipra Princely State was known as "Hill Tipperah'. This territory was distinguished from the neighbouring plain 'Tipperah', which constituted one of the districts of British India in the lower plains of East Bengal (now Bangladesh). It was only in 1920 (i.e. during the reign of King Birendra Kishore Manikya Bahadur Debbarma, the father of the last Twipra king Bir Bikram Kishore Manikya Bahadur Debbarma) when, on the presentation of the 'Durbar' (Royal Court), the Government of British India agreed that the Princely State should be known as Tripura instead of 'Hill

Tipperah'. This was stated in the Memorandum on the Indian States, 1932-33, brought out from Calcutta. 

   The terrible stories of the Indian freedom movements, India-Pakistan partition, great relocations of people of this Sub-continent, the rise of democracy, socio-political movements and the unnatural demise of King Bir Bikram Manikya caused the fall of monarchy in Tripura.

   Although the Tippra kings took some necessary steps for education of their subjects but these were not adequate. In fact, Tripura witnessed an education movement organized by the Tripura Janasiksha Samity from 1945-1948. It was started by some educated tribal youths particularly the Borok youths. With the initiative of the Janashiksha Samity and with the co-operation of people, 488 schools were established in different villages, especially in hilly areas. In 1945 there was a small unit of the Communist Party at Agartala functioning under the Distrcit Committee of Commilla. Biren Datta was its organizer and leader. It is learned that Biren Datta used to maintain a regular touch with the Borok students of Umakanta Academy at Agartala.6 It was at his inspiration that some Borok students like Nilmani Debbarma (now a renowned doctor) and Aghore Debbarma (later a prominent communist leader), took the initiative for the formation of the Janasiksha Samity. They contacted Hemanta Debbarma of Durga Choudhury and discussed the matter of forming an organistion for spreading education among the natives. They agreed in the matter of holding a meeting of all the Borok students and youths at the residence of Hemanta Debbarma. After making these preliminary arrangements, Nilmani Debbarma and Aghore Debbarma contacted other senior Borok students specially Dasarath Debbbarma (Deb) *  and Sudhanwa Debbarma who were at that time college students outside the State. Dasarath Debbarma, (a college student at Habiganj of Sylhet) and Sudhanwa Debbarma, (a college student at Srikali of Comilla) greeted the decision. Thus on 27th December 1945 an organization came up in the meeting of the Borok students and youths held at the residence of Hemanta Debbarma at Durga Choudhury near Agartala. The organization was named 'Tripura Janasiksha Samity'. Sudhanwa Debbarma was elected President, Dasharath Deb Vice-President and Hemanta Debbarma General Secretary of the Samity. This movement was an attempt at universal education of all the Borok indigenous people, first of its kind in Indian sub-contiment.    

   It was because of this movement that 400 schools came up at different places of the State within a year.7 It had to its credfit an account of 488 primary schools having been established in all8 and getting 300 of them recognized and aided by the princely State authority. The then Education Minister of Tripura Princely State was Mr. D.A. W. Brown at that time.  However, the Janasiksha Samity was shortlived.  Because it ceased to exist in 1948 when its chief architects had to go underground to evade arrest as the Communist Party to which they were inclined was banned by the Government. Later, it aims and objectives carried forward by the 'Tripura Rajya Mukti Parishad' formed in 1948. In this regard, Dasarath. Deb's own statement is worth mentioning that "though the open activity of the Samity had to cease but the underground work continued. The active and militant workers of the Samity formed 'Rajya Gana Mukti Parishad' and that organization at a later stage had been named as 'Tripura Upajati Gana Mukti Parishad'.9    

   With a different ideological approach, the 'Tripura Rajya Mukti Parishad' launched autonomy movement in the State. This Parishad was renamed 'Tripura Rajya Gana Mukti Parishad' in 1951, and after the split in the CPI, in 1964, the CPI (M) - led organization was named 'Tripura Rajya Upajati Gana Mukti Parishad' but in common parlance it has been coming to be called GMP. 

Coming back to the period of transition of Tripura princely State from monarchy to democracy, it is seen that Prince Kirit Bikram Kishore Manikya Debbarma was a minor and nearly 15 years at the time of the death of his father King Bir Bikram (17 May 1947 at 8:40 pm.). Then, Council of Regency was formed to run the administration under the Presidentship of Queen Kanchan Prabha Devi, mother of Kirit Bikram, on 8th August 1947. Even before the Indian Independence, the Regent Maharani could realize what a troublesome situation was in store for her if India was partitioned. Therefore, before partition she put her claim over those areas, which were once within the principality of Tripura's Maharaja in order to maintain Tripura's bigger entity and save it from isolation. So, as situation arose, B.K. Debbarma, Chief Minister of the State, was sent to Delhi to place the demand before the Central authority. The Chief Minister held parleys with the high dignitaries including Sardar Patel.10 Maharajkumar B.K. Debbarma was the Vice-President of the Regency Council, Kumar Bankimbihari Debbarma was a member and Satyabrata Mukhopadhyay was Prime Minister of the Regency Council.

Within a few months after the death of King Bir Bikram Kishore Manikya Bahadur Debbarma, Tripura princely State faced a great crisis and there was a threat both from internal and external forces. The President of the Council of Regency was under severe pressure and had to opt to join the Indian Union. In the meantime, the Queen on the advice of the Government of India had to dissolve the Council of Regency and became herself as the sole Regent on 12th January 1948, and after about more than a year she on behalf of the minor Maharaja Kirit Bikram, had to sign the Tripura Merger Agreement on 9th September 1949. Thereafter, the administration of the Tipperah Kingdom became a part of Indian Union from 15th October 1949 A.D. and later it was administered by the Chief Commissioner, A.B. Chatterjee, as a 'C' category State. Thus, the death of King Bir Bikram was followed by a period of political vacuum, chaos and confusion. The situation was nearer to anarchy due to lack of able leadership, communal riots in East Bengal, influx of refugees, struggle for succession, occupation of Kamalpur by the Muslims, attempts at annexing Tripura with Pakistan.11

After the death of King Bir Bikram Kishore Manikya Bahadur, Kanchan Prabha Devi, the Queen of Tripura, was appointed as the President of Regency Council and thus was empowered to rule Tripura. In real sense, the power of that Regency Council was with the steward only, whom the Government of India had appointed. In that period of steward administration, barbarous torturing and repression was started in the hilly areas of Tripura from the administrative side itself. The exploiters, the capitalists and the Dewani Administration let loose brutal repression in order to subdue that farmers movement in Tripura. In 1949 the cows of Golaghati had been suffering from some diseases. The farmers became totally ruined as they lost all their cows one by one. Many farmers could not cultivate the land properly as they lost the bulls for ploughing. There was an apprehension of extreme food crisis. So, all the tribal and non-tribal farmers of that area and other non-tribal people, Hindus and Muslims objected to carry the share of paddy to their money lender, an ill reputed person named Hari Saha. The farmers demanded to the money lender (known as dadandar) to count this due share as a part of their loan again. In the beginning, Hari Saha, the money lender, agreed to count it as a loan to the farmers, but in his mind he had some evil design. The people of that locality could not guess that evil design of that usurious money lender behind the acceptance of their proposal to give them paddy. Hari Saha, already made a blueprint, contacted the police administration of the then Congress Government to punish the farmers. Putting faith on the words of the money lender, all the poor people went to collect paddy on a due date but they had to face a merciless attack of the police. All of a sudden, the police started to shoot these unarmed people indiscriminately. On this attack, 6(six) tribal farmers along with 1(one) Bengali Muslim farmer were shot dead by the police on 9th October 1949.12 Many others were injured. An ill-reputed sub-inspector of police named Mihir Chowdhury led the massacre that took place in the village called Bhaktathakur para in the area of Golaghati. There raised a storm of protest throughout whole Tripura against this barbarous attack of the police on the farmers. There was wide spread discontentment among the farmers, especially among the tribal farmers and this agitation was spread throughout whole Tripura. In Golaghati itself, the Government had to enforce an extensive torture to curb down the first mass movement of the poor and the exploited people.

It is in that period only that the government started to attack the leaders of Janashiksha Samiti. The summons for arresting them was enforced again. Even the schools were not exempted from this attack. In many places, the teachers of those schools were arrested. Due to this wide spread tortures and repression by the police and army, the expansion of education by the Janashiksha Samiti was hampered. Under severe repression few leaders of Janasiksha Samiti got united and formed Tripura State Ganamukti Parisad. The leaders took underground shelter and started to direct the movement from there itself. People on behalf of Ganamukti Parisad raised their voice: the government must withdraw the warrant of arrest upon the leaders of Ganamukti Parisad, Legislative Assembly or a responsible government has to be formed in Tripura, educational system has to be expanded in Tripura and the people of Tripura have to be provided with sufficient facilities to improve their economic condition and so on. When martial law was declared in Tripura, especially in Khowai area, in that period the torture of armies took its extreme form in the tribal inhabited villages. Many vile affairs such as tyranny on ordinary masses, arresting everyone without distinction of man or woman, burning houses, looting properties and even burning school houses were done with the help of Police and Army. As the schools were burnt, many students had to take shelter in the forests. Being unable to bear these severe tortures, Ganamukti Parishad was forced to start armed resistance struggle for self-protection. It was not the desire of Ganamukti Parisad to launch fight for self-protection. They were forced to do so. Everywhere they had to confront the tortures of the Army. In 1949 brutal killing of women at Padmabill took place. Three heroic women, named Kumari Debbarma, Madhuti Debbarma and Rupashri Debbarma sacrificed their lives confronting the army.13 The tortures of these police forces were in extreme form in Khowai and Sadar sub-division areas.

In early 1952 an electoral college of 30 members was constituted through election held in January 1952. The Electoral College elected one representative to the Rajyasabha.14 The Government of India took a positive stand and the Parliament of India passed the Territorial Council Act, 1956 (Act. 104 0f 1956) providing for the setting up of the Tripura Territorial Council (TTC) consisting of 30 members. Tripura became a Union Territory without legislature with effect from November 1, 1956. 

The first election to the TTC was held in Macrh 1957. Sachindralal Singha became the Chairman of the Council. The second election to the TTC was held in February 1962. Sachindralal Singha again became the Chairman of the Council. Union Territories Act, 1963 provided for the propmotion of the Territorial Council to the status of a Legislative Assembly. It came into effect from 1st July 1963. Sachindralal Singha was sworn in as Chief Minister of Union Territoy of Tripura. The first election to the Tripura Legislative Assembly was held in February 1967.  Sachindralal Singha was again selected leader of the Congress Party and thus he again became the Chief Minister. On 21st January 1972 Tripura attained the status of a full-fledged State. The second election to the Tripura Legislative Assembly was held in 1972. Sukhamay Sengupta became the Chief Minister. The third election to the Tripura Legislative Assembly was held on 31st December 1977. The Left Front captured 56 seats, while the TUJS got 4 seats; and the Congress did not get even a single seat. Nripen Chakrabarti became the Chief Minister of the State. His 1978-82 Left Front Government was predetermined to introduce a Bill in the Assembly, seeking approval for the establishement of Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council (TTAADC). Accordingly, the Bill was duly introduced soon, and on 3rd Macrh 1979 the Assembly passed the Bill. Out of about 10,478.78 sq. kms. the area of TTAADC is about 7,132.56 sq. kms. In other words, 68.10 percent of land has been brought under the control of the TTAADC. The demand for upgrading the TTAADC under Schedue VI of the Indian Constitution never subsided. So, as the refugees coming from erstwhile East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) had been rehabilitated in the State in different parts of Tripura, even in the tribal reserve lands, outnumbering the natives the communal hatred and tension slowly developed in the minds of both the ethnic groups. This was manifested in the worst communal riot broke out in Tripura on Friday the 6th June 1980 between the natives and the foreign nationals where thousands of people belonging to both the communities mercilessly lost their lives. The tribal resentment took a violent turn and spread like a bonfire to ravage the Bengali settlements. Thus at last the potential conflict became actual.15   

Another important issue of the natives of the State is the protection of their land. The Tripura Land Revenue & Land Records Act, 1960 was a bold step in protecting tribal interests in so far as henceforth it prohibited all transfers of tribal land anywhere in Tripura.16 Even then, 'Benami' transfer and sale continued. This time, a drastic step was taken. In 1973, by an ordinace all illegal transfers after 01.01.1969 were declared void, admitted all transfers between 1960 and 1968 and also revoked Maharaj Bir Bikram's order for reservation. Reservation of land for the natives (1950 sq. miles) was made by the king for five tribal communities (Puran Tripuri, Noatia, Jamatia, Riang and Halam). Land related ethnic clash between the two communities used to occur in different parts of the State in the posr merger period particularly in the 1960s and 1970s. For instance, Bir Bikram Jamatia of Garing Kwkham Kami of Khampar of Teliamura, West Tripura District, became probably the first martyr in the hand of some land hungry refugees on 10th May 1973 when he faught for the restoration and protection of tribal land in Tripura.

So, the demise of King Bir Bikram, division of the country, communal riots, influx of refugees, secessionist movement, communist movement, Bangal Kheda movement - all these happened simultaneously. The State administration was on the verge of collapse.17 

In spite of a feudalistic-colonial rule, Tripura faced no major disturbance except the Reang Revolt of 1942-43, which was directed essentially against the ruling monarch.18 Due to direct influence of India's freedom movement which began to penetrate the plains of Twipra / Tipperah from the first half of the 20th century, new socio-political movements soon emerged. Eventually, there emerged a number of socio-political organizations, which soon demanded for the immediate democratization of Twipra's political system and establishment of responsible government. Most vocal among newly formed political parties were the Tripura State Congress and the Communist party. Yielding to the public pressure, the Regent Queen, Maharani Kanchanprabha Devi, on behalf of the minor Maharaja Kirit Bikram Kishore Manikya Debbarma, announced the decision of the State to be a part of Indian Union on 9th September 1949, which was ratified by the Tripura Sangha in an open session attended by about 20,000 indigenous hill people particularly the Boroks and all other political organizations.

With the rise of non-tribal population in Tripura, some ethnocentric tribal organizations came into existence in 1947 with a view to protecting the tribal interest and organised various movements for autonomy in the territory. After the deamise of King Bir Bikram Kishore Manikya, his step-brother Durjoy Kishore Debbarma formed 'Bir Bikram Tripur Sangha'. Its main aim, besides other mottoes of social reforms, was to resist the influx of refugees into Tripura. It worked heart and soul to safeguard the tenancy right of the permanent inhabitants of Tripura.  Consequently, the Government of Tripura notified in March 1949 that 'prayer for land settlement of those who are not subjects of Tripura State will not be entertained without written permission of the Dewan of the State.'19  The Sangha had its militant wing styled in Kokborok as 'Sengkrak', which called for a showdown of the natives against the Bengalee refugees. This militant wing was also known for its Bangal Kheda movement. Sengkrak was declared outlawed and banned by A.B. Chatterjee, the then Chief Commissioner of Tripura, for its vilolent activities. After the Sengkrak was banned, the 'Paharia Union' came into being in July 1951 under the leadership of Chandra Sadhu Rupini. Another organization, namely 'Adhivasi Samity' was formed in 1952 under the leadership of Sunutijivan Chakma and Madhab Master. There was another political organization known as 'Adhivasi Sangha', which was formed in November 1953 at Agartala. In the interest of a stronger tribal organization, all these organizations were combined together so as to form a bigger organization called 'Adhivasi Sangsad'.

The sengkrak again appeared for the second time in 1967. During this time it confined its activities mainly in Dasa Kanchanpur areas of North Tripura and launched movement with the blessing of the Mizo National Front. In November 1967 wall-posters appeared in Kanchanpur area in the name of Sengkrak directing the Bengalee refugees to vacate Tripura.20 

  After the partition (1947) of the Indian Sub-Continent and subsequent Merger of Tripura with the Indian Union, there had been continuous influx of foreign nationals into the state particularly the Hindu Bengali refugees from erstwhile East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). Within a period of 24 years i.e. 15 August 1947 to 24 March 1971 the number of foreign nationals swelled to 6,09,998 officially.21 However, it is claimed to be 7,30,017* persons by some researchers and intellectuals on the basis of authentic Government documents. Besides, lakhs of migrants were not recorded. There was no protective measure taken either by State Govt. or the Centre to prevent the process of continuous influx of immigrants into the State. In fact, the process of influx of illegal immigrants is still continuing and this is the crux of the problem of Tripura, today. This state of affairs has created various kinds of problems not only for the natives but also for those non-natives who were already in the State prior to its merger with Indian Union. The Borok people, the aborigines of Tripura, once absolute majority having ruled their own ancestral land for few thousands years continuously, have now been marginalized and outnumbered and reduced to 31.05% (2001 Census) of the total population of the State by the non-natives and illegal immigrants from across the international borders.

Although the process of influx of the migrants began in the early 1940s, it was considered to be negligible. In fact, large-scale influx of migrants took place in the post-merger period (to be more specific the period between 1950 and 1971) outnumbering the indigenous population of the State. This development of the demographic scenario of the state had become a serious issue on the part of the ethnic and cultural identity of the indigenous people particularly the Boroks. It was, they think, a 'threat to the very existence' of the Borok community. In other words, becoming a minority in their own land itself made the Boroks feel threatened at the hands of the alien people.

Tripura has now become a State whose indigenous peoples (Boroks) have been transformed from being an absolutely numerical majority and ruling community into a minority with no economic and political influence within a period of five decades of its merger. This pathetic condition of the Boroks is mainly due to the unprecedented influx of foreign nationals and illegal immigrants into Tripura from erstwhile East Pakistan, now Bangladesh.

Most significant in all these developments was the gradual polarization of Borok ethnic and cultural consciousness on the part of the Borok community causing identity assertion. This ethnic and cultural consciousness ultimately resulted in the formation of the Tripura Upajati Juba Samiti (TUJS) in June 1967. The Boroks felt themselves deprived of their fundamental rights. Convinced of the fact that the Congress and the Communist party did not play effective role for the protection and preservation of their identity, interests and self-determination. So, the TUJS in one of its slogans declared thus, "kwchak kuphur chwng siniya, buini tola chwng tongya, kwchak kuphur chwng hwnya, buini tola chwng tongya" (we do not know what is Communist or Congress, we will not stay under any one's control, we do not any longer want to be under the umbrella of the Communist party or the Congress party). The party ideology of the TUJS, among others, centered on: (i) popularization of Kokborok (Borok language) as a symbol of Borok community identity; (ii) education in Kokborok; (iii) restoration of land, and (iv) demand for self-government.22 On 11th December 1968 some rural Bengalees, who were worst sufferers, formed an association called Amara Bangali. Quite contrarily, many Bengali leftists working under the flag of CPI (M) organized demonstrations, meetings and strikes in favour of the tribal demands.

Accordingly, in 1974 an official circular of the Government of Tripura to all departments desiring increasing use of the Bengali language in official correspondence was immediately reacted to by the TUJS and other Borok leaders. Their chief demands were: (i) reinstatement of the Princely order of reservation, (ii) reservation of tribal lands transferred after the TLR and LR Act, 1960, (iii) recognition of their language (Kokborok) as one of the State languages and (iv) recognition of the tribal villages under a District Council. In 1974, a socio-cultural organization named Barkhi Halam was formed which stood for the preservation and promotion of tribal traditions, culture, language and history. Some Bengalees particularly those living in the hills were unhappy at the decision of the government23 to introduce District Council for the Borok tribals. By the middle of 1979, communal tensions were running high. Consequently, in June 1980, communal riots broke out between the two communities, i.e. the Borok tribal community and the Bengali community. This kind of ethnic riot is always to be discouraged by all sections of population for the greater interest of development of human society. Rather, a peaceful and constitutional way of dealing things is to be encouraged by all for the restoration of peace and harmony in the State. Amidst tormenting chaos and confusion the first election to the TTAADC was held on 3rd January 1982. The Left Front formed the Council. Sri Aghore Debbarma was elected the Chief Executive Member of the Council. The second election to the TTAADC was held on 30th June 1985. The Left Front again formed the Council. The enactment of the TTAADC under Schedule VII of the Constitution of India did not solve the tribal problem. The demand for upgrading the TTAADC under Schedule VI of the Indian Constitution never subsided. So in July 1979, B.K. Hrangkhawl and a few others organized a militant association called Tripura National Volunteers (TNV) with the ostensible aim of harbouring centrifugal forces. The militants went on committing atrocities one after another. So, on 2nd February 1987, TNV was outlawed. But having  cast off its sloughs, it emerged under the guise of National Liberation Front of Twipra (NLFT) on 14th April 1989. Sudhir Ranjan Majumdar's Congress-TUJS coalition (1988-93) came to power. During this regime TUJS had played a vital role to curb insurgency. The next Assembly election was held in early March 1993, the Left Front became victorious.24 Dasarath Deb became the first and only Chief Minister of Tripura among the natives. Dasarath Deb's 1993-97 Left Front Government and Mr. Manik Sarkar's Left Front Governments in two terms (1998-2002) and (2003-2007) have been, to some extent, able to reduce the militants activities. But till today the problems of the natives have not been solved by the Government - State and the Centre. The need of the hour is to find out the crux of the unrest of the natives and solve the problems constitutionally. Otherwise coming days  may be more detrimental to the civil society of Tripura.